Irony
as illumination: didactic communication in the verbal texture of the Mystery
Cycles
et dicebat eis vobis datum est mysterium regni Dei illis
autem qui foris sunt in parabolis omnia fiunt ut videntes videant et non
videant et audientes audiant et non intellegant nequando convertantur et
dimittantur eis peccata
[and he said ‘to you has been given the secret of the
kingdom of God, but for those outside, everything comes in parables; so that
“seeing they may see but not perceive, and hearing, hear but not understand;
so that they may not turn again and that their sins may be forgiven.”’] 1
In the sculptures and rose windows of Laon Cathedral,
Emile Mâle observes that ‘the truths of the Scriptures are everywhere imaged
in their most mysterious form, the verities of the New Testament disguised in
the symbols of the Old.’ 2
We can extrapolate that such ‘verities’ are only available to believers, just
as ‘the secret of the kingdom of God’ is denied to ‘those outside’ in Jesus’
discussion of parables in Mark’s gospel. While this understanding of the role
of a parable diverges from that suggested in other gospels, it nonetheless
provides a template for our reading of medieval drama. An imaginative space
existed for the artists, sculptors, and writers of the medieval period in the
contrast between those outside who may not perceive and a Christian audience.
The dramatists of the Mystery cycles use this disparity to create a dialogic
space: the audience and dramatist share recognition of the limited
understanding of the play’s characters, and thus the audience moves beyond
mere ‘seeing’ to full perception.
The most obvious example of unwittingly ironical articulation of the
satisfaction Christ makes for human sin comes straight from the Bible.3 In St John’s gospel, Caiaphas sees that it
will be expedient for one man to die for the people: expedit nobis ut unus
moriatur homo pro populo et non tota gens pereat [it is expedient for us that
one man should die for the people and not for the whole people to perish]
(John 11: 49-50). With Christian perspective, the Biblical exegetes might
explain the significance of Caiaphas’ words to their congregations: it is
expedient that one man should die for the people, since his death is the
means of grace according to Christian belief. However Caiaphas’ understanding
is limited to his own political and religious subjugation to the occupying
Romans. He sees only that Jesus should become a scapegoat for the tensions
between Romans and Jews in Jerusalem and cannot perceive the deeper truth of
his words.
When the Biblical account of Caiaphas’ articulation of Christian truth is
transferred to the dramatic arena in the N-Town cycle, the words act as a
sub-textual dialogue between the audience and dramatist:
Attende now, serys, to þat I xal seye
Onto us all it is most expedyent
þat o man for þe pepyl xuld deye
þan all þe pepyl xuld perysch and be shent.4
The apostrophe ‘attende now’ calls the listeners to attention and ‘xuld’
follows ‘þe pepyl’ on each occasion, emphasising the dire consequences of
Cayphas’ words with the dual message that the people ‘xuld deye’ and ‘xuld
perysch’, whether in the immediate context of Roman occupation or in the
wider context of salvation. ‘Shent’ similarly reverberates with soteriological
connotations. In the MED, we find various glosses for the verb in addition to
the most obvious meaning for this line: ‘kill’.5
Another possibility, ‘to bring to destruction, ruin, destroy’ (1(b)), fits
both Cayphas’ concern for the position of the priests in the politically
sensitive situation of Roman occupation and the subtext of the necessity of
Jesus’ death for salvation. Even more significant in the context of the Last
Judgment are two other glosses: ‘to put to shame, disgrace’ (3(a)) and ‘to
punish’ (2(d)). With the first person plural pronoun phrase ‘us all’,
Cayphas’ words simultaneously come from his legitimate dramatic position to
include his colleagues in the Biblical story and from the dramatist’s
didactic position to include himself and every member of the audience. The
irony of the words thus offers illumination specifically to the Christian
audience in the same way as the parables offer understanding only to those
given ‘mysterium regni Dei’ (Mark 4.11 ‘the secret of the kingdom of God’).
As Pamela King notes, our response to the texts today can provide only a
limited picture of the variety of responses from the people who watched the
plays in medieval towns.6
Our reading of the plays necessarily diverges from the aural and visual
experience of medieval audiences during a cycle performance. Yet we need not
assume that the medieval audiences were incapable of perceiving aurally the
theological references that we may derive from contemplation of a printed
text. The various social backgrounds and educational opportunities of a
medieval population, would enable the audience to grasp, to different
degrees, the soteriological and doctrinal implications of words spoken by
characters who ‘see […] but [do] not perceive’. Furthermore, the annual
performance of each cycle would mean that townspeople would grow familiar
with the work and thus could see new aspects to the plays with each
production. Richard Beadle’s suggestion that an audience might respond to the
metrical intricacy of the lines is just as apposite to the possibility of
theological understanding: we should not underestimate these people,
‘[d]escended from generations who were more accustomed to hearing their
literature than to reading it’.7
So the deeper significance ‘disguised’ in the meaning intended by a character
can resonate with an irony, understanding of which is both predicated on, and
conducive to, an understanding of doctrine. The words of the dramatists thus
become a complement to the Word of God as set down in scripture and to the
message of salvation it contains.
The verbal texture of the plays has, though, largely been ignored by critics,
due to what Beadle terms the ‘critical uncertainty as to its status and
purpose in writings of this period.’8
There is thus a scarcity of critical material dealing specifically with the
intricacies of the language of the cycles. However the irony employed by the
playwrights illuminates complex doctrinal issues for their audiences. The
power of drama is exploited to engage with the intellect of the audience to
lead them to the personal recognition of the theology underpinning the plays
that is necessary to achieve salvation in the medieval concept of redemption:
according to the Augustinian theology at the cornerstone of the medieval
church, only believers will be saved. 9
Augustine states that an individual’s free will is granted by God so that
each person determines their own soteriological state: they ‘might, that is,
relinquish their blessedness and received misery as the immediate
consequence.’10 As the Devil says in Piers Plowman,
Christ can ‘save men from synne if hemself wolde.’11 So how does the irony of drama enact this
recognition?
There is, as John W. Velz notes, an ‘inherent irony’ to Corpus Christi drama:
an audience ‘easily and naturally familiar with the Scriptural stories’ knows
the ending of each play but the characters are ‘in at least partial ignorance
of the teleologies they are involved in’.12
He sees a further level of irony which relates specifically to my argument in
this study, since a ‘Christian audience can be expected to see the action at
any given moment sub specie aeternitatis – in the perspective of a
grander plan – while the participants are confined sub specie temporis
by their finite vision.’13
This disparity between the aeternitas of the audience and the tempus
of the characters is crucial to the experience of watching the plays; as
Donna Smith Vinter observes, ‘all time is post-Easter’.14 So the soteriological truths spoken by
characters, even if articulated unwittingly, incorporate the historical
moments of the action of their particular play and, simultaneously, of the
Old Testament plays and medieval England.
The doctrinal significance of the plays has been amply demonstrated by V.A.
Kolve, who delineates the typological relationships between the plays
selected for performance.15
The dramatisation of Christ’s life relates backwards to the episodes from the
Old Testament and forwards to the Last Judgement.16 Therefore, we must understand the Old
Testament plays in the context of Augustine’s threefold understanding of figura.
Erich Auerbach explains this understanding in his seminal essay on this
topic: we must read the Old Testament ‘as a prophetic figura for the
appearance of Christ; the incarnation as fulfillment of this figura and […]
as a new promise of the end of the world and the Last Judgment; and finally,
the future occurrence of these events as ultimate fulfillment.’17 The influence of this thought can be seen
in the relationship between plays, which transcends the chronological sequence
of performance. In the York Fall of Man, Satan tempts Eve: To gretter
state ye may be broughte /And ye will do as I schall saye.18. Although he is dissembling purely to
achieve disruption in Paradise (And harde to her I wol me hye […] / That
purpose proue to putte it by, / And fande to pike fro hym þat pray. 15-19),
his words suggest the beginning of the typological sequence of Redemption.
Only through the Fall and its answer in the Passion can man be brought to
Heaven, so the full implications of Satan’s words are allowed to emerge fully
through the presentation of the full cycle. We will see Jesus pray to his
father in The Crucifixion:
þou badde þat I schulde buxome be
For Adam plyght for to be pyned.
Here to dede I obblisshe me
Fro þat synne for to saue mankynde, (XXXV,51-54).
So the ‘gretter state’ to which Satan alludes in the York Fall becomes, in
the heightened perception of a Christian audience, the salvation that will
result from the sequence of events begun by Eve’s sin.19 William Langland’s alliterative verse is
a particularly felicitous vehicle to articulate the familiar medieval concept
of typological soteriology, since the connection of type and figure is
replayed in the connection made by the alliterating initial:
That man shal man save| thorugh a maydenes helpe,
And that was tynt thorough tree,| tree shal it wynne,
And that Deeth down broughte,| deeth shal releve.20
The necessity of the Passion is enacted here in the pattern of ‘man’
following ‘man’ to maintain the alliterative stress. The two sections of line
140 are similarly inextricable: the epizeuxis ‘tree, tree’ is an emphatic
reminder of the beautiful typological coherence of the Crucifixion within the
soteriology, and ‘tynt’ is transformed by the caesura marked by the editorial
comma into the rhyming yet triumphant word ‘wynne’. The drama presents this
transformation through the dramatisation of the whole typological sequence.
Therefore the audience might be expected to perceive soterial truths beyond
the literal, immediate truth seen by the character speaking.
A glance at the Italian tradition reveals that Caiaphas’ role in John 11 is
seen as grounds for damnation in the literature of this period. When Dante
meets Caiaphas in the Inferno, his crime, as explained by Catalano,
relates solely to the words from the Passion sequence I have discussed:
… Quel confitto che tu miri
consigliò i farisei che conveniva
porre un vom per lo popolo ai martiri.
Attraversato è, nudo, ne la via,
come tu vedi, ed è mestier ch’ei senta
qualunque passa come pesa, pria.
[The one you see nailed there /Advised the Pharisees it was expedient /That
one man should be tortured for the people.
He lies across the path, naked, as you /See him, and so he is obliged to feel
/The weight of everyone who has to pass.]21
Yet Caiaphas’ words seem to have privileged him with particular
responsibility in the medieval church. His peculiar role as the vehicle for
doctrinal exegesis is emphasised in the Chester version by the parenthesis ‘-
this saye I – ’: Syr, yt is needful – this saye I – /that one man dye
witterlye22 The first person pronoun suggests the
importance of his opinion, creating a unique dialogic position, which
can be seen further in other portrayals of Caiaphas in medieval England,
including a Palm Sunday sermon, attributed to Wells Cathedral.23 In the voice of Caiaphas, the priest
suggests that unwitting articulation can be the highest testimony to truth:
þe prophecie þt ich seyde þar
Ich hit seyde þo as a star
ich nuste what ich mende
Ich wende falslyche jangli þo
Of me þat wyt naddych no
bote as Ihesu sende (61-66)
Since he then spoke what he did not understand, seeing but not perceiving,
Caiaphas now is placed, with divinely received hindsight, in the perfect
position to help others to an understanding of the events of the Passion:
Lewede þt bereþ palm an honde
þat nuteþ what palm ys tonderstonde
Anon ichulle 3ou telle (133-35)
The example of Caiaphas is far from unique. While his explicit role as
teacher in the Wells sermon is not duplicated in the drama, the idea that
words spoken by adversaries of God unwittingly can articulate Christian truth
informs the portrayal of tyrants in the four main cycles. In the Towneley Cesar
Augustus, the buried allusion to the Eucharist contained within the stock
oath ‘as ete I brede’ places Sirinius’ words in the context of Salvation
through which bread becomes the body of the boy ‘done to dede’:
Now wote ye, lord, what that I reede;
I counsell you, as ete I brede,
What best therof may be:
Gar serche youre land in euery stede,
And byd that boy be done to dede
Who the fyrst may hym see.24
So when Sirinius suggests what ‘best therof may be’, the audience sees the
resonance of his words both for Augustus and for all people: death of ‘that
boy’ would decrease the political threat to the emperor in the temporal frame
of the play and, in the eternal present enacted in the cycle, is essential
for universal salvation. Furthermore, this irony coheres fully to the
characterisation of these tyrants: Sirinius’ advice is as superbly inept as
the oath that prompts the audience’s laughter.
Repentance and salvation are themes that emerge strongly when we analyse
verbal texture in the Passion sequences. In contrast to Caiaphas’ words,
which the dramatists were able to lift directly from John 11, other ironic
speeches are not taken from the Bible; however, they at once contribute to
and derive from the colloquial idiom common to the cycles, suggesting that
the dramatists saw a role for words composed by men in contributing to the
spiritual growth associated with the Word of God in scripture. In the Towneley
Buffeting, 2 Tortor takes delight in his job, picturing himself and
his colleagues as the heroes of the townspeople: Ther is none in this towne,
I trow, be ill payde /Of his sorow, /Bot the fader that hym gate (21,
527-30). The soteriological truth that no one will be ‘ill payde’ by Jesus’
death because it will buy back man’s soul from the devil emerges from the
invention of the Towneley dramatist. Furthermore, the specific reference to
Jesus’ ‘fader that hym gate’ reinforces the strength of the soteriological
pattern by reminding the audience that Christ’s ‘sorow’ is part of a
divinely-determined plan. However, the audience knows that the torturer’s
understanding is limited; he does not comprehend that, in paradoxical
conjunction with the compassion of a father, God desires Jesus’ ‘sorow’
because this sorrow will bring about the salvation of mankind. The
demonstrative adjective ‘this’ furthers the application of the soteriology to
the audience in the particular town of performance: ‘this towne’ is simultaneously
Jerusalem and Wakefield. The Towneley dramatist thus encapsulates the
soteriological purpose of Jesus’ suffering with words that maintain the
integrity of the character’s total ignorance of any meaning beyond his own
literal delight in the torture.
The inappropriate joy that tyrants and torturers experience when Jesus is
suffering can, through ironic disparity between words spoken and context,
parallel a Christian’s joy at the satisfaction performed on his behalf. In
the trial scene of the N-Town Passion plays, Herod’s words, taken out of
context, could be the prayer of a devout medieval Christian: ‘My hert
desyryth hym for to se’ (29,69). Herod’s desire is linked to the ‘woundrys’
of Christ which he mentions in the previous line, yet his phrasing brings to
mind the writing of mystics such as Julian of Norwich. 25 The submerged meaning of Herod’s
assertion can turn a ‘heathen’ into an exemplary Christian whose words might
inspire similar devoutness in others. The dramatist’s use of language thus
points to the recognition of a universal desire for the Saviour, even if that
desire is unconscious.
Likewise, the words spoken by Judas in the N-Town Betrayal illustrate
the creativity with which a dramatist could employ indirect didacticism and
point to an unconscious desire for the Passion:
Welcome, Jesu, my maystyr dere
I haue þe sowth in many a place
I am ful glad I fynd þe here (28,103-03).
Judas’s words contain multi-layered irony. Judas himself speaks with
duplicitous intent: he pretends to be a devoted disciple pleased to see his
friend and master; in reality he has sought and is pleased to see Jesus
because of his promise to Caiaphas and Annas. His own dual meaning adds a
further didactic layer to the irony: his words articulate a Christian’s
search for the sacrificial lord and his delight at finding him, and
illustrate that these words can be spoken with a hard, equivocal heart.
Implicitly, the dramatist suggests that outward piety can never lead to
salvation while it hides antagonistic thoughts and motivation, and uses the
audience’s recognition of the irony in Judas’ words to provoke them to
consider this point and apply it to their own lives as Christians. Yet the
irony stretches beyond the dual intention that the dramatist gives to Judas:
his pretence at devotion to his lord actually represents the Christian
believer’s vested interest in this moment. The Christian would be glad to see
his or her master at the point of betrayal, since betrayal will lead to
salvation. However that joy is tempered by the knowledge that it will first
lead to Christ’s suffering, as Anselm elucidates in the eleventh-century
text, Cur Deus homo:
Ut, cum videmus aliquem fortiter pati velle molestiam, ut perficiat, quod
bene vult; quamvis fateamur nos velle, ut illam poenam sustineat, non tamen
volumus aut anamus poenum eius, sed voluntatem [when we see a man who desires
to endure pain with fortitude for the accomplishment of some good design;
though we acknowledge that we wish to have him endure that pain, yet we do
not choose, nor take pleasure in, his suffering, but in his choice].26
The experience of witnessing the enactment of these events, and of reaching
individual understanding of the implications of Judas’s words, would make
this painful debt clear to a member of the audience through a combination of
the visual and aural aspects particular to drama.
Dramatic irony exists also in other forms of literature but its power is
particularly effective in tragedy. We might think of Macbeth, where
the audience can perceive the danger for the king in the witches’ prophecy
that ‘none of woman born/ Shall harm Macbeth’ (4.1.95-96) yet only when
Macduff reveals that he ‘was from his mother’s womb/ Untimely ripped’ (5.10.15-16)
does Macbeth himself understand his vulnerability. The recognition of the
irony acts as metanoia, which, as defined in rhetorical theory,
‘qualifies a statement by recalling it’ so that the reader might expand his
belief or comprehension.27
It is a version of correctio or epanorthosis, which ‘stops a
phrase in order to substitute one more fitting’. 28 This rhetorical meaning is distinct from
the Christian gloss, which has remained closer to the Greek root metagnoia (repentance).29 When reading Biblical texts and stories,
it is necessary to see meaning and truth oneself for the account to have any
impact on one’s life. Metanoia offers this individual realisation.30 In the Mystery cycles, the concept of metanoia
is made problematic by its emergence through the ironies discussed in this
essay. The recall and qualification of a statement is offered in moment that
the audience grasps the soteriological point but, since the character making
the point does not himself grasp it, audience response is left open; they are
given the chance to refute the soteriological implications, to ignore them
or, crucially, to accept them and assimilate them into their own
understanding of faith.
This metanoia can illuminate even the most opaque doctrine. St.
Anselm’s Cur Deus Homo explores ‘qua scilicet ratione vel necessitate
deus homo factus sit, et morte sua, sicut credimus et conitemur, mundo vita
reddiderit’ [‘why God became man, and by his own death, as we believe and
affirm, restored life to the world’].31
The conclusion reached illustrates the centrality and vitality of this
doctrine to medieval soteriology: ‘[q]uod debitum tantum erat, ut illud
solvere, cum non deberet nisi homo, non posset nisi deus, ita, ut idem esset
homo, qui deus’ [‘this debt was so great that, while none but man must solve
the debt, none but God was able to do it; so that he who does it must be both
God and man’].32 The
complexity and necessity (to the soteriological pattern) of Christ’s dual
nature perhaps explains why the dramatists frequently make it the subject of
their irony. II Consolator in the York Slaughter of the Innocents
articulates this doctrine unwittingly when he advises Herod about the child
seen by the Magi: ‘þer schalle neuere a man haue myght/ Ne maystrie unto zou’
(XIX, 55-56). Initially we may laugh at his ignorance, but then we realise
that he is right: ‘neuere a man’ will defeat Herod: Christ is not only man
but also God and this dual nature is essential to his triumph over Herod. The
dramatist here creates a particular didactic space: the audience’s laughter
depends upon a recognition and use of knowledge of the Christian story, which
thus can reawaken or extend an understanding of the complex doctrinal issue
of the dual nature of Christ. Likewise, the words of Caiaphas suggest
Christ’s dual nature in the N-Town Trial Before Pilate: ‘A3ens þis no
man may answere’ (30,133). In the N-Town play of Christ and the Doctors,
primus doctor responds to Jesus’ questions by saying that ‘all erthely
clerkys þat telle can nought:/ It passyth oure wytt þat for to contryve’
(21,53-54). He asserts what he ‘knows’: these questions are beyond human
understanding. In so doing, he allows us to see what he does not perceive:
Christ is not an ‘erthely clerke’; his knowledge is, to use a medieval term,
‘kyndely’: it is integral to his nature, to his divinity. So in this moment of
metanoia the dramatist presents an opportunity for the audience to
comprehend the dual nature of Christ.
We find a similar metanoia in the York Temptation, which
dramatises Satan’s unsuccessful attempt to determine whether Jesus is human
or divine: ‘If he be man in bone and bloode/ Hym hungris ill’ (XXII,45-46).
Diabolus is unable to overcome Christ based on this hunger, which Jesus does
not deny since to realise fully the dual nature, he must ‘be man in bone and
bloode’. Dramatic enactment of Christ adds a further level of interest to
this point since the divine is personated in an ordinary man; the Word
becomes undeniably human flesh in the form of a medieval actor or guildsman.
In the words of Richard J. Collier: ‘Corpus Christi drama, in bringing man
and God together, imitates the Incarnation it also celebrates.’33
Does analysis of these moments of irony enable us to claim that dramatists
‘load’ words with submerged meanings and thus enter a doctrinal dialogue with
the audience? We see the effect at work when the Towneley Herod asserts that
‘If I this crowne may bere,/ That boy shall by for all’(16,163-64). He surely
means that the baby will ‘pay (dearly) for’ everything,34 yet a glance at the MED reveals that
‘bien’ and ‘abien’ had many definitions in the medieval period. The audience
will recognise the possibility that ‘by’ could mean ‘to suffer’, ‘to deliver
or free’ or ‘to redeem or save’. Indeed, ‘by’ means ‘redeem’ at other points
in the cycle, which supports my proposition that the dramatist employs the
ambiguity consciously to create an irony which undercuts the figure of Herod
and which thus allows Jesus’ persecutor to speak His truth: ‘That boy’ shall
suffer, deliver and redeem ‘for all’. This may appear to be merely a clever
trick by the playwright, yet during the trial scenes in the Gospels, it is
clear that Jesus values the articulation of Christian truth by figures who
are not believers: ‘Pilatus autem interrogavit eum dicens tu es rex Iudaeorum
at ille respondens ait tu dicis.’ [Pilate asked him, saying ‘are you
king of the Jews’ and he responded ‘it is as you say’] (Luke 23:3; my
italics).
The dramatic rendering of these instances potentially affects each individual’s
hope for salvation; the audience’s recognition of a doctrinal point through
the dramatist’s use of wordplay may create an impetus to live a more ‘Godly’
life, as we see when the N-Town Herod swears: ‘be gracyous Mahound, more
myrth nevyr I had/ Ne nevyr more joye was inne from tyme of my byrth!’
(20,209-10). The line indicates Herod’s repulsive character: he feels
superlative joy on hearing his soldiers go out to kill children (‘With my
spere sle hem I xall /And so cast down his pride’ 205-06). However, he
simultaneously and unknowingly articulates Christian joy, particularly
appropriate to the Nativity sequence, which is underlined in his
colloquialism: ‘from tyme of my byrth’. This reminder of future joy through
the lips of one to whom that joy will be denied (his oath to Mahound confirms
his regenerate state) encapsulates salvation and damnation in speech and
speaker so each member of the audience might consider their own sinful state.
The dramatist does not need to resort to direct didacticism; the amusing
irony engages the audience’s sense of humour and intellect to hint at a
doctrinal position of undeniable importance to medieval Christianity.
Here we might consider the literal meaning of metanoia: ‘repentance’.
Perhaps recognition and repentance are inextricable at this moment: the
rhetorical gloss may lead to the Christian gloss in an individual believer.
Eleanor Prosser argues that repentance is the unifying moral purpose which
underlies the cycles.35 Full
acceptance of Prosser’s argument would unnecessarily limit interpretation of
the plays. However, a space for repentance is opened in the active thought
process begun by recognition of these ironies. Indeed, in an interesting
refutation of the importance of repentance in and of itself, Richard Holloway
indicates the necessity of just such a space.
God’s acceptance of us, in spite of all we know against ourselves, is the
cause, not the result of our repentance. This word “repentance” is
interesting in this context. It means a real change of mind, not a calculated
pretence of change, not the adoption of a form of words that might suggest
change, but an actual event in the mind and heart that turns our view of
reality around.36
Holloway’s interpretation suggests the importance of metanoia since it
might promote this ‘real change of mind’. The thought process enacted in a
moment of metanoia similarly coheres with the connection that Prosser
notes between the Corpus Christi processions and the ‘campaign of education’
for the priesthood and, eventually, the laity, which resulted from the Fourth
Lateran Council in 1215.37
A single couplet articulating the Towneley Tortor’s fear of Christ’s power to
destroy the Old Law seems to be a key to understanding the role of the plays:
‘He wold fayn downe bryng/ Oure lawes bi his steuen’ (21,133-34). The
torturer sees the importance of Jesus’ ‘steuen’: his voice and his words.
This is how the new law is established, which opens a way for the
contribution of the words of the dramatists and the voices of the actors to
the growth and continuation of the doctrine in their own time. Further study
of the verbal texture of the plays is therefore required so that students of
medieval drama can assess the ambiguities and ironies employed by the
dramatists. In turn this might enable us not only to gain new understanding
of the production process of the mystery cycles but also to see that the
complexities of Christianity were recognised and articulated in the
vernacular in the medieval period. Other popular performative genres such as
lyric and carol are likely to offer opportunities for further work of the
kind outlined above.
Linda R. Bates, U. of Cambridge
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NOTES
1.
Mark 4 11-12; cf Isaiah 6:9; all Biblical quotations are taken from the
Vulgate; translations are my own.
2. Emile Mâle, Religious Art: from the
twelfth to the eighteenth century (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,
1949), (p.94).
3. Alister E. McGrath, Christian
Theology: An Introduction, 2nd edn (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997), pp.400-02.
4.The N-Town Play: Cotton MS
Vespasian D.8, ed. by Stephen Spector, 2 vols (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1991), (I, Play 27, 89-92); all future references will be to play- and
line-numbers of this edition and will be given in the text.
6. Pamela M. King, ‘Seeing and Hearing;
Looking and Listening’, ET, 3 (2000), 155-66, (p.155).
7. Richard Beadle, ‘The York Cycle’ in The
Cambridge Companion to Medieval English Theatre, ed. by Beadle
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994, repr 2003), pp.85-108, (p.100).
8.Richard Beadle, ‘Verbal Texture and
Wordplay in the York Cycle’, ET, 3 (2000) 167-84, (p.167).
17.Erich Auerbach, “Figure”, trans. by
Ralph Manheim, in Scenes from the Drama of European Literature: Six Essays
by Erich Auerbach (New York: Meridian, 1959), pp.11-76, (p.41).
18.The York Plays, ed. by Richard
Beadle (London, 1982), V,61-62; all future references will be to play- and
line-numbers of this edition and will be given in the text.
19.The term ‘gretter state’ is slightly problematic
since Satan uses it to a prelapsarian Eve in the garden. However, this
‘gretter state’ applies to the members of the audience who hear the lines after
the Fall.
21.Dante, The Divine Comedy, text
with trans. by Geoffrey L. Bickersteth (Oxford: Blackwell, 1972), Inferno
23.115-120. The translation cited is from C.H. Sisson’s paperback edition
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).
22.The Chester Mystery Cycle, ed.
by R.M. Lumiansky and David Mills, 2 vols (London: Oxford University Press,
1974), (I, Play XVI, 16-20); all future references will be to play-
and line-numbers of this edition and will be given in the text.
23.Palm Sunday sermon cited in full by
Carleton Brown, ‘Caiphas [sic] as a Palm-Sunday Prophet,’ in Anniversary
Papers by colleagues and pupils of George Lyman Kittredge presented on the
completion of his twenty-fifth year of teaching in Harvard University June,
MCMXIII (Boston and London: Ginn, 1913), pp.105-117.
24.The Towneley Plays, ed. by
Martin Stevens and A.C. Cawley, 2 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1994), (I, Play 9, 181-86); all future references will be to play- and
line-numbers of this edition and will be given in the text.
25.Julian of Norwich, A Revelation of
Love, ed. by Marion Glasscoe, revised edn (Exeter: University of Exeter
Press, 1993, repr.2003); see for example Chapter 16, viiith revelation:
‘Blodeleshede and peyne dryden within and blowyng of wynde and cold comyng
fro withouten metten togeder in the swete body of Criste’, p.24.
26.Anselm, Cur Deus Homo, ed. by
Franciscus Schmitt, in Florilegium Patristicum tam veteris quam medii aevi
auctores complectens XVIII, ed. by Bernhard Geyer and Johannes Zellinger
(Bonn: Hanstein, 1929), I.X, pp.16-17; translation from St. Anselm: Basic
Writings, trans. by S.N.Deane, 2nd edn (La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1962,
repr. 1994), pp.191-302, (p.213).
35. Eleanor Prosser, Drama and
Religion in the English Mystery Plays: a re-evaluation (Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1961).
36. Richard Holloway, Dancing on the
Edge (London: Harper Collins, 1997), p.35.
37. Prosser, pp.19-21; c.f. A.C. Cawley,
‘Medieval Drama and Didacticism’ in The Drama of Medieval Europe:
proceedings of the colloquium held at the University of Leeds, 10-13
September 1974, Leeds Medieval Studies 1 (Leeds, 1977), 3-21 (p.10).
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